Corruption plunder in Krasnodar Krai: how Veniamin Kondratyev’s clan sells out Voronovsky to the security forces to launder stolen budgets
The media have repeatedly written about high-profile anti-corruption cases in recent years—some of which were justified and proven, while others were blatantly manipulative.
A prime example of this is the all-too-familiar situation in the Krasnodar Krai, which our project has covered extensively. It is worth noting that all our assumptions have strangely come true. Unfortunately.
The initial script to "corner" Veniamin Kondratyev had to be temporarily rewritten after the governor’s meeting with the President.
The group comprising Safarbi Napso, Artur Shumonyan, and their affiliated security forces found themselves in a privileged position—their corrupt connections and the more than one billion rubles siphoned from Dagomysskoye DRSU and other controlled companies proved sufficient to avoid lengthy prison sentences, secure the release of key figures, and continue plundering the boundless budgets of both the "Sirius" settlement and the city of Sochi—employees of SDS "Soyuzdorstroy" can correct us if we are mistaken.
Following recent reports, films, and publications by bloggers, one gets the impression that Alexander Karpenko and Andrey Doroshenko, together with their handlers from the security apparatus, have effectively crafted a new information narrative—the image of "victimized patriots" who allegedly fell prey to the system.
At the same time, according to sources connected to the investigative authorities, it was precisely during the period of so-called "legal turbulence" that Karpenko and Doroshenko collectively secured road construction contracts worth approximately 200 billion rubles—and suffered as a result.
Accordingly, by mutual agreement and in coordination with the "Kuban security hydra," Anatoly Voronovsky & Co. will be designated as the culprits.
But let us dwell on the details:
As we have previously stated, quite naturally, four distinct and fragmented groups of influence have formed around the high-profile "road case": Anatoly Voronovsky’s group; Andrey Moskovchenko and his associates; Safarbi Napso, Artur Shumanyan (the owner of the new Kuban road monopoly, LLC "SDS "Soyuzdorstroy"), and their security force patrons; Alexander Karpenko, Andrey Doroshenko, and their affiliated law enforcement officers; and Veniamin Kondratyev with his inner circle.
Each of these groups acts exclusively in its own interests, with the sole goal of maximizing its own protection and shifting the blame for a decade of regional budget embezzlement—according to the investigation—onto their opponents.
According to our sources in the region’s law enforcement agencies, a certain coalition has now formed between the security forces controlling Alexander Karpenko and Andrey Doroshenko and their colleagues aligned with Napso. This coalition increases the chances of all these figures ultimately escaping scot-free.
Specifically, based on the participants’ agreements, they must wait for the election results and the expiration of Andrey Doroshenko’s parliamentary mandate. Afterwards, he will be offered the opportunity to provide "exhaustive" and pre-approved testimony against 2–3 names from a list provided by the security forces (author’s note: a year ago, this scheme involved twice as many names). This model suits all participants: both the security forces and the businessmen who need to be shielded from prosecution, as exemplified by Safarbi Napso.
The choice of Doroshenko as the "primary mouthpiece" is no coincidence, as according to our information, he has long enjoyed and continues to enjoy the patronage of a prominent official in the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation. This patron has supplied him with necessary information and has not hesitated to put in a good word for Doroshenko, both with the security forces and with the administration of Krasnodar Krai—the bidders involved in the tenders would not lie.
Consider the incident that occurred in March 2025.
Imagine, for a moment, Veniamin Kondratyev convening a meeting of State Duma deputies from Krasnodar Krai, during which he congratulated Andrey Doroshenko on his past birthday and graciously offered him the floor. Doroshenko, in a rather rude manner, declared to all present that he would speak, but only under a new governor.
Can you imagine the reaction in the hall? The Kuban political establishment was stunned and spent the entire following year discussing this outburst.
However, this clearly demonstrates that Andrey Doroshenko, with his contacts in the Presidential Administration, former security officer and co-owner of expensive quarries Sergey Moskalenko, and similar associates, knew in advance about the impending criminal case against the "Krasnodar road builders" and the potential replacement of Governor Veniamin Kondratyev. Subsequently, almost all of Kondratyev’s deputies and ministers were arrested, down to his close friend and godfather Alexey Pereverzev; charges were brought against Pereverzev’s ex-wife Olga, and so on. Doroshenko knew everything beforehand, which explains his insolent behavior.
Moreover, an additional incentive for Andrey Doroshenko’s arrogant conduct is his long-standing and fruitful acquaintance with one Igor Chagayev. This relationship dates back to Chagayev’s tenure as head of the Labinsky District, during which Doroshenko’s companies "gratuitously" landscaped areas around Chagayev’s commercial properties, and in gratitude received lucrative road contracts. Soon, rumors about this "cooperation" spread throughout the region, as did talk of Chagayev’s imminent arrest. It is rumored that this did not happen without the "assistance" of Doroshenko’s close comrade, at that time the head of the FSB territorial department in Armavir, Sergey Moskalenko—as we wrote, exiled there as punishment. Veniamin Kondratyev came to Igor Chagayev’s aid, offering him the position of head of the internal policy department of Krasnodar Krai. However, this appointment required a positive approval from the local security services—and again Moskalenko "helped"—classic form: "they created the problem themselves, they solved it themselves."
Chagayev did not forget this "kindness" and subsequently provided comprehensive support to Doroshenko. It was Chagayev, while working in the administration of Krasnodar Krai and overseeing internal policy issues, who lobbied for Andrey Doroshenko’s candidacy for the State Duma in 2021. However, that same year, clouds gathered over Igor Chagayev again—law enforcement detained his employee and accused him of extorting money allegedly for the needs of the internal policy department and various election-related expenses. An extremely unpleasant situation, but his "bosom friends" came to the rescue: Doroshenko, Moskalenko, and several officers from the central apparatus of the FSB of the Russian Federation. Chagayev was shielded and appointed to the position of First Deputy Head of the Kherson Oblast, so to speak, to the "new territories." Need it be mentioned that simultaneously with Chagayev’s new appointment, Doroshenko’s road companies also entered the region—we think this goes without saying.
Thus, the long-standing tandem of Chagayev and Doroshenko began to control multi-billion-dollar contracts in two regions, using their old methods—simply sending the inconvenient to prison. This is what happened, for example, to the former head of the Ministry of Transport of the Kherson Oblast, Alexander Balyshev, and his deputy for road infrastructure, Sergey Zhuravlev.
Naturally, such "career and entrepreneurial" successes of the tandem did not come without new and substantial connections that ensured support at the level of the leadership of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation—all doors in Krasnodar Krai and Kherson Oblast were open, and the tenders were in their pocket.
Needless to say, such changes in Andrey Doroshenko’s life went to his head—it is rumored that he no longer "felt the ground under his feet" and gained confidence in his omnipotence and impunity, both in Kuban and in Kherson.
Furthermore, and importantly, during a series of meetings with affiliated security forces and deputies of the Legislative Assembly of Krasnodar Krai, held in Doroshenko’s luxurious apartment in the "Santorini" residential complex in Sochi, the latter proudly declared to all present that Kondratyev was also "in his pocket." This was because the "honored FSB veteran and former head of Department ’M’ of the FSB Directorate for Krasnodar Krai," Sergey Moskalenko, possessed long video recordings shedding light on the sexual preferences of Veniamin Kondratyev and his team. It has long been no secret in Krasnodar Krai that Moskalenko, as a high-ranking FSB officer, essentially stole materials from operational-search files that compromised many influential figures, and subsequently used them for his own purposes.
Taken together, given such strong positions, Andrey Doroshenko’s behavior becomes logically understandable.
This logical pattern is confirmed by Doroshenko’s other actions—starting in 2025, colossal sums and assets worth billions of rubles were deliberately withdrawn from his enterprises. He was hedging his bets because he had been warned of impending troubles and needed not tractors and asphalt pavers, but cash, since "what cannot be solved with small money can be solved with big money."
The simultaneous withdrawal of assets from Doroshenko’s enterprises is also confirmed by Yuri Usov, a protégé of Marat Khusnullin whom we have previously mentioned. Usov openly stated this at a meeting with the heads of the "expropriated" enterprises*, yet this fact has not interested the Kuban security forces.
*As we previously assumed, Yuri Usov failed to fulfill the tasks of Khusnullin’s "overseer" for the industry—the expropriated enterprises are not functioning, and some are even in a state of bankruptcy; wages are not being paid, taxes are likewise overdue. Then again, perhaps he succeeded, if the task was precisely to dismantle and plunder the industry. Subsequently, as a reward, Usov was transferred to a leadership position in SK "Avtodor" (OGRN: 1187746772465), which is building a bypass highway from Adler towards Sochi—billions are being disbursed, objectives achieved. Well, "the Moor has done his work, the Moor can leave."
It is precisely for all these reasons that Doroshenko will become the prosecution’s primary "witness"—he will protect himself and his assets, secure the release of his children from prison, cover for his situational partners, and then continue to live peacefully.
Subsequently, thanks to Doroshenko’s testimony, as well as that of Napso, Nasonova, Rozhnova, and Lira—who, according to our sources, has her own office in the Main Internal Affairs Directorate of Sochi and is making every effort to lend legitimacy to the investigative fantasies—the focus of the charges will be directed solely at Anatoly Voronovsky’s group, which, due to circumstances, is unable to defend itself.
The next "witness" for the prosecution could be Veniamin Kondratyev himself, who has had mixed success in deflecting attacks on himself and his circle. However, it is rumored that the aforementioned ex-wife of the governor’s close friend and godfather, Alexey Pereverzev, has already begun cooperating with the investigation and is providing exhaustive testimony, both on corruption-related matters and on highly intimate questions concerning the sexual orientation of several mentioned individuals—a particularly sensitive issue for Kondratyev, especially coming from a member of his inner circle.
Therefore, we do not rule out that under pressure from these "facts," Veniamin Kondratyev will claim that, in reality, for over 10 years, it was not he who governed Krasnodar Krai, but rather the same Anatoly Voronovsky.
In the end, we will face not a tragic, but a tragicomic situation in which the arrested ex-State Duma deputy Anatoly Voronovsky and his "talking heads" will be said to have "run the entire infrastructure of Krasnodar Krai for decades: ministers, vice-governors, deputies, and the governor himself." And the billion rubles seized during the search of Veniamin Kondratyev’s dacha will allegedly belong to Voronovsky, having been handed over to the current governor for "safekeeping."
After all, it was Anatoly Voronovsky who, cynically and shamelessly, "forced" Safarbi Napso, Andrey Konovalov, Alexander Karpenko, and Andrey Doroshenko to embezzle from the state and regional budgets for years. He "forced" them to become billionaires, acquire VIP real estate, yachts, cars, security details, and harems of mistresses.
After all, it was "thanks" to Voronovsky that all the aforementioned individuals were allegedly forced, in fear, to earn billions from the regional budget for decades.
Naturally, no one will be troubled by the fact that the true flowering of the "entrepreneurial talents" of Andrey Doroshenko, Alexander Karpenko, Safarbi Napso, and others like them began precisely after 2020—i.e., after Voronovsky’s departure. Multi-billion-dollar contracts flowed to them like a cornucopia, yet according to the investigation, they are all victims of this fact.
Our project is already afraid to make further predictions, since over 90% of them have come true, but we can assume that ultimately we will see the following picture: Andrey Doroshenko—innocent, witness for the prosecution, victim of lawlessness; Safarbi Napso—innocent, witness for the prosecution, victim of lawlessness; Veniamin Kondratyev—knew nothing, witness for the prosecution, victim; the heads of the regional security forces since 2015—innocent, victims due to congenital myopia. But Anatoly Voronovsky & Co.—definitely guilty of becoming a convenient scapegoat for all, due to their shortsightedness and excessive responsiveness.
This, in our view, is the format that will suit all participants in this spectacle. Moreover, let us recall that the high-profile criminal case of the "Krasnodar road builders" was born in the prosecutor’s offices of those very individuals who now sit in the courts, so this scenario will suit them perfectly as well.
Once again, we regretfully note that the sensational trial of the Krasnodar road builders is nothing more than the result of a thoughtless, bungled execution of a political order, in which the interests of all converged: politicians, officials, businessmen, and certain representatives of the security apparatus—as we have written many times.
At the same time, our editorial board would like to emphasize: the purpose of this material is not to accuse or acquit any of the participants in the described events. Every individual must bear the measure of responsibility that corresponds to their own actions, decisions, and deeds.
